Contents panel I
Panel I. Alternativity in Cultural History: Heterarchy and Homoarchy as Evolutionary Trajectories
Panel II. Art, Struggle, Survival and Change
Panel III. Civil Society, Civil Education and Cultural Identity in the Time of Globalization
Panel IV. Comparing the State in Africa: The Drama of Modern Development
Panel V. Divine Politics and Theocracy: Religion as a Power Mechanism in the Greco-Roman World
Panel VI. Ethnic Model of Power Legitimation in the Political Practice of Contemporary Multiethnic
States and Quasi-States
Panel VII. Hierarchy and Power in Dates of Archaeology
Panel VIII. Hierarchy and Power in Science: An Oxymoron?
Panel IX. Hierarchy and Power in the Postcolonial World
Panel X. Hierarchy, Power, and Ritual in Pre-Columbian America
Panel XI. Ideology and Legitimation of Power in Ancient and Medieval Societies
Panel XII. Markets and Hierarchies in the History of Civilizations
Panel XIII. Money, Currency and Power, with Focus on Africa
Panel XIV. Patterns of Hierarchy and Power in Southeast Asia
Panel XV. Power as "Great Mystery"
Panel XVI. Propaganda, Protest and Violence: Revolutions in the East and the West
Panel XVII. Studying Political Centralization Cycles as a Dynamical Process
Panel XVIII. The Order of Things: Material Culture, Practice and Social Status
Panel XIX. The Role of the Evolutionary Theory in the Political History of the 20th Century
Panel XX. The Use of Estrangement as a Pivotal Instrument in the Study of and Defence against
Hierarchy and Power
Panel XXI. The Will to Power and Its Realisation – The Rises and Falls of Absolute Leaders
Panel XXII. Tradition and Modernization in Political Cultures of Islamic World
Panel XXIII. Urbi et Orbi (Roma Aeterna)
Panel XXIV. Free Communication Panel
Panel (Round Table) XXV. Dilemmas of Leadership and Representation in Jewish and Arab Social
Groupings in Israel
Index of Contributors
Alternativity in Cultural History:
Heterarchy and Homoarchy as Evolutionary Trajectories
Convenors: Dmitri M. Bondarenko (Center for Civilizational and Regional Studies, Moscow, Russia), Carole L. Crumley (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, USA)
Until quite recently, cultural evolution in its sociopolitical aspect has commonly been regarded as the permanent teleological move to a greater level of hierarchy, crowned by state formation. However, recent research based upon the principle of heterarchy changes the usual picture dramatically. Heterarchy has been defined as “...the relation of elements to one another when they are unranked or when they possess the potential for being ranked in a number of different ways” (Ehrenreich, Crumley, and Levy 1995: 3). So heterarchy, being the larger frame upon which different hierarchical structures are composed, incorporates hierarchy, even in so-called “egalitarian” societies. The opposite of heterarchy, then, would be a condition in society in which relationships in most contexts are ordered mainly according to one principal hierarchical relationship. This organizational principle may be called “homoarchy”, and this is just what is misleadingly called “hierarchy” by proponents of the idea of transition from “egalitarian” to “non-egalitarian” societies, though even the most primitive societies can be ordered in such a manner. It is time to move away from earlier visions of social evolution. Rather than universal stages, two fundamental forms of dynamic sociopolitical organization cut across standard scholarly “evolutionary stages”: at any level of social complexity, one can find societies organized along both homoarchical and heterarchical lines. Thus, homoarchy and heterarchy represent the most universal principles and basic trajectories of the sociopolitical organization and its evolution. There are no universal evolutionary stages – band, tribe, chiefdom, state – inasmuch as cultures so characterized could be heterarchical or homoarchical: they could be organized differently, while having an equal level of overall social complexity. We are happy to have papers based on anthropological, archaeological, historical evidence from cultures of different periods and geographical areas. We seek to understand mechanisms and factors – social, political, cultural, and so forth – in the formation and transformation of homoarchical and heterarchical societies, including the transformation of one into the other. These address the possibility of alternativity as well as variability in world history and cultural evolution.
Carole L. Crumley (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, USA)
Widening the Search for Democracy
In a volume exploring heterarchy, Brumfiel (1995) notes the variety of ways the volume's authors use the idea. Heterarchy describes an array of independent, homogeneous elements; the membership of elements in many different unranked interaction systems and depend on need, or where the same element occupies different rank; and the interaction as equals of two or more functionally discrete systems, which may be either ranked or unranked. In the same volume, I suggest that the idea of heterarchy may be of more general use, in three broad areas: scale, power, and values. While I am agree with Brumfiel's characterization of heterarchy as an enhanced descriptor of systems, its larger philosophical potential will not be fully realized until the underlying tension, the dialectic between hierarchy and heterarchy (however defined), is examined against the cultural and historical backdrop in which hierarchy became synonymous with order and other orderly forms were forgotten. For example, is heterarchy an alternative term for certain characteristics of political systems that are more likely to be styled democratic'? The contemporary ideal of the nation-state is founded on the assumption that the Greeks were the inventors of democracy. However, a growing body of evidence from northwest Europe suggests that later Iron Age polities were characterized by political and social forms that were by several measures more democratic than any contemporary forms in the Classical world. The status of women is especially worth examination, as well as the concept of self, the negotiation of strategic alliances and community norms, and the forms of succession in governance. While archaeological and literary records always offer an incomplete glimpse of the past, we may nevertheless know enough about societies situated both geographically and culturally beyond the poleis to challenge a key component of the origin myth of democracy.
David B. Small (Lehigh University, Betleham, USA)
Democracy as an Epiphenomenon
Tradition analyses of the rise of democracies in the established polities of the archaic and classical periods in the Mediterranean report that the rise of democracy was the product of a purposeful clash, a wrestling away of control and power from an entrenched existing social hierarchy. Loosing up our analysis of the genesis of democracy in these cases however, by the application of a heterarchical frame, brings to focus an important, overlooked feature. There is much to support the concept that the rise of democracy, both in the traditional sense in ancient Greek polities and a more republican sense in Italian polities was epiphenomenal. Rather than developing out of a dialectic of opposition in an elites versus non-elites hierarchy, democracy appeared as a secondary issue, developing within contexts that were outside the traditional armature of elite control.
David Christian (San Diego State University, USA)
Power, Scale and Collective Learning:
Power and Hierarchy in Human and Non-Human Societies
Power and hierarchy are not confined to human societies. Animal behaviorists have long been aware of the striking parallels between human societies and those of other ‘social animals’, including species such as ants that are only distantly related to humans. Biologists are aware of an even deeper analogy: between the creation of multi-cellular organisms that organize and rearrange the individual cells of which they are composed, and social communities that do much the same to the individuals of which they are composed. This paper will explore these analogies, in order to see what they can teach us about power and hierarchy in human societies. In particular, it will explore the extent to which power and hierarchy correlate with density of settlement. As a counterpoint, the paper will also explore the implications of an idea I have developed in my forthcoming book on ‘Big History’ (‘Maps of Time: An Introduction to Big History’): that the primary feature distinguishing human from non-human societies is ‘collective learning’, the capacity to share and accumulate the learnt experience of individuals with great precision. I will argue that ‘collective learning’ helps explain some of the distinctive features of power and hierarchy in human societies, in particular, the timing and geography of the emergence of different types of hierarchies, and the rich and complex role played within all human hierarchies by symbolism and ritual.
Olga Yu. Artemova
(Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology,
On Some Forms of Hierarchical Systems
The author argues that various types or displays of social inequality may have been shaped by quite different phenomena. Different mechanisms of structuring or institutionalization of hierarchical systems could act in parallel in the same culture (or society) or could be specific to particular cultures in particular periods and circumstances. These mechanisms could have their foundations in the sphere of material production and property relations as well as outside this sphere. In the last case, monopolization of special knowledge and occupations (often closely connected with ideology) by certain social groups is a powerful force that often shaped and still shapes social inequality. Data from hunter-gatherer societies with the purest and least complicated mechanisms of social differentiation illustrate this idea. The author emphasizes that powerful and prestigious corporations, with limited membership and monopoly of socially important information, exist in a number of societies with quite different social and economic systems: among foragers and shifting cultivators as well as modern industrial societies; in class societies as well as so-called socialist societies which pretended to eliminate classes and private ownership of the means of production. The author proposes that existence of such corporations is deeply connected with socio-psychological phenomena that cut across boundaries of cultures, epochs, continents, and civilizations.
Herbert Barry, III (University of Pittsburgh, USA)
Heterarchical or Homoarchical Leadership and Kinship in Communities
Community customs may constitute either heterarchical choices or predetermined homoarchical structures. Heterarchical community status is independence. The hierarchical alternative is subordination to higher government. Heterarchical choice in succession of community leadership is a formal election or an agreement by a group of the members, when a vacancy occurs. The homoarchical alternative is hereditary succession, determined prior to the vacancy. Heterarchical choice in family relationships is bilateral kinship, affiliation with the relatives of either parent or with both. The homoarchical alternative is predetermined unilineal kinship, either patrilineal or matrilineal. In a world sample of 186 communities, independent communities have similar numbers with bilateral and unilineal kinship. Independent communities with heterarchical choice of leadership have more frequent homicide, less incorporation of adolescents into adult culture, and more elaborate social control over adolescents. These attributes appear to be detrimental effects of predominantly heterarchical choices. Most of the homoarchical subordinated communities have homoarchical unilineal kinship. Subordinated communities with unilineal kinship and hereditary community leadership have lower levels of technological development, longer post-partum sex taboo, less frequent internal warfare, and less requirement of adolescents to be obedient. Some of these customs appear to be detrimental effects of predetermined homoarchical structures The optimal customs appear to be the individual freedom and adaptability of heterarchical choices combined with the predictability and continuity of homoarchical structures. The communities include villages in contemporary Russia (Viriatino), Spain (Spanish Basques), Thailand (Siamese), and Japan. Community leadership is heterarchical choice and family affiliation is heterarchical bilateral kinship. National leadership also is heterarchical choice. The heterarchical ideals of individual freedom, universal education, and equal opportunity for men and women are strongly expressed in these nations in spite of the homoarchical subordination of the villages to higher government.
Garrett Cook (Baylor University, Waco, USA)
Heterarchy and Homoarchy in Maya Village Politics
Debates about the degree of hierarchization of Classic Maya polities remain inconclusive (See Potter and King 1995, Fox, Cook, Chase and Chase 1996). Maya populations have consistently resisted centralized administration in favor of decentralized mechanically repetitive administration. Maya social-political history is a process expressing a dialectic between counterpoised powers (Crumley 1987:163), and also between counterpoised native models (Leach 1964). In colonial Guatemala, Maya pueblos were decentralized. Parcialidades (cofradias) retained the form of pre-conquest calpules or chinamits. Elite (cacique) lineages supervised these communal estates and sponsored the cults of local patron saints. The Twentieth Century Ladino-dominated nation state, supported locally by acculturated urban Maya, eliminated communal lands, seized the saints and placed them in a central church. Epi-toltec stories where saints were brought from Spain by cacique ancestors were challenged by a story of autochthonous power where saints were found in local caves. Cofradias became fiesta-sponsoring sodalities in the municipal church controlled by the urban elite. In the 1970's, though, surviving cacique families used the Catholic Action movement to break with the centralized cofradia system, replacing festival sponsorship in the urban center with local observances in newly built chapels underwritten by the caciques' descendants. In a Yucatec village in 1980's Belize several wealthy acculturated families gained control of electoral offices and the Catholic Church. Pentecostalism grew in the 1980s and 90's recruiting 90% of the Catholics into four small churches each of which was composed of two intermarrying patrilineages. Pentecostal participation in town government and elections was replaced by participation in decentralized churches. Village activities were coordinated by a council of pastors. Pentecostalism was used to resist hierarchical centralization and the western state's model of electoral representative democracy in favor of a decentralized Maya model of a council of visionary elders representing their junior kin.
Toon van Meijl (University of Nijmegen, The Netherlands)
Metaphor and Heterarchy in Maori Socio-Political Organisation
Ethnographic analysis is characterized by the interpretation and translation of indigenous customs and concepts into the etic language of anthropology. Not infrequently this process of translation involves the substitution of anthropological tropes for a range of indigenous metaphors that might evoke associations fundamentally different from the associations evoked by the metaphors on which the ethnographic analysis is based. In this paper I shall argue that anthropological interpretations of the structure of hierarchy in Maori socio-political organisation are misleading to the extent that they replace indigenous metaphors related to kinship and leadership. If Maori tropes are taken as points of departure for ethnographic analysis, the anthropological model of hierarchy in socio-political organisation takes a rather different form. The argument will be illustrated with a critique of the conventional model of Maori socio-political organisation, which implies a segmentary stratification of both kinship and leadership streamlined from the top downwards. But Maori socio-political organisation is understood by its constituents through metaphors of birth, so it seems more appropriate to understand hierarchy as generated from within, rather than from above. The difference between these two explanations of Maori hierarchy extends to a difference in research strategies. After all, chiefs seem to have more power in dealing with external relations than they have with regard to internal affairs. A hierarchical structure of socio-political organisation can co-exist with an anti-hierarchical ideology because of differences between external prestige and internal authority in Maori society. This paper will demonstrate the usefulness of the concept of heterarchy to the ethnographer in resolving the paradoxical relation between hierarchy and egalitarianism in classic Maori society.
Tom Ryan (University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand)
Great Men and Sacred Chiefs: Political Transformation in Western Polynesia
Marshall Sahlins’ 1963 article ‘Rich Man, Poor Man, Big Man, Chief: Political Types in Melanesia and Polynesia’ famously contrasted the egalitarian ‘big-man’ societies of Melanesia to the hierarchical ‘chiefdoms’ of Polynesia. Since then many scholars have criticised this dichotomy for its evolutionism and ethnographic imprecision. Above all, they have emphasised the diversity of political forms found in Melanesia. The purpose of this paper is to use Sahlins’ later (1970s-90s) writings on the Western Polynesian societies of Fiji and Tonga as a basis for rethinking, first, the political anthropology of the neighbouring island of Niue, and second, political variation and transformation in Polynesia and the Pacific Islands generally. Central to Sahlins’ recent argument is the view that indigenous Fijian culture incorporates “an endemic contradiction: a conflict [between] reciprocity and hierarchy”. But, he continues, in Tonga the ethos of reciprocity now exists only as a trace, having long been subordinated to the hierarchical principle embodied in the office and person of the sacred chief. My own fieldwork on nearby Niue, by contrast, revealed a society that has actively rejected chiefs and hierarchy in favour of egalitarianism and reciprocity, with leadership roles being assumed by what Maurice Godelier has called – in respect to some Melanesian societies – ‘great men’. Western Polynesia – and, by implication, Polynesia in general – thus reveals political forms as varied as those of Melanesia. In the process, any meaningful distinction between ‘Polynesia’ and ‘Melanesia’ disappears. How the transformations observable across the Pacific Islands as a whole might best be described and analysed remains, nevertheless, problematic. Does Sahlins’ implicit model of two contradictory social principles coexisting within a single culture, reinforced by Godelier’s distinction between ‘great man’ and ‘big man’ leadership systems, really provide the solution? Or, does the answer lie in a theory of alternating ‘heterarchical’ and ‘homoarchical’ principles valid for all human societies and universal culture history?
Timothy R. Pauketat
Thomas E. Emerson
(University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaigne, USA)
Alternative Civilizations: Heterarchies, Corporate Polities, and Orthodoxies
Following recent observations, we propose that the most “complex” societies are not the most hierarchical ones, but are those pervaded by heterarchies. While heterarchies are omnipresent throughout human history, they would seem to represent the antitheses of civilization, which we define as a process that entails the development of correspondences between political practices and cultural traditions across regions and between peoples. Civilizations simplify the many complexities of social life through the creation of hierarchical orthodoxies – ideologies or cultural traditions that supercede heterarchical tendencies. One variety of heterarchies – political factions – has the tendency to coalesce into corporate groups that govern non-aristocratic political formations and have the capacity to broadcast corporate orthodoxies. We propose that this process is not a progressive, political-evolutionary one. Nor can it be accurately summarized using top-down models that assert elite power strategies and ideologies by themselves generate political change. This is because civilizations were shaped by all people, not just politicos. A number of idealist social theories suggest that non-elites in varying civilizational contexts have power to affect the formation of central governments. That power is inherent in the cultural dispositions and traditions of all people who have, in some ways, always been accommodated by would-be rulers and administrators. Such accommodations, of course, result in heterarchies, regionally specific political histories, and a diverse array of sociopolitical formations that cannot be called either chiefdom or state. Recent years have seen vigorous investigation of such heterarchical phenomena leading many to proffer alternative concepts intended to better capture the historical realities of the civilizing process: faction, political community, rituality, segmentary state, cultural hegemony, etc. Of course, these concepts focus our attention on meso-scale (i.e., social groups and associations) and micro-scale (i.e., routine practices and human agency) aspects of the civilizing process, and our discussion seeks to continue in a vein exemplified by recent examinations of Mississippian corporate polities and political communities.
Jan Bouzek (Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic)
Classical and Hellenistic Thrace – Exertion of Power
Political system in Thrace: system of tribal rule over individual tribes developed in their federations, imposed mainly by the most powerful of them: Three large kingdoms developed in the 5th – 4th centuries B.C. The best known and largest was that of the Odrysians in the SE, the other two were the kingdom of the Getae in the NE, and another of the Triballoi in the NW. Between the two latter there was the area of the so-called “democratic” Thracians, and in other areas – mainly in the mountains – areas of other smaller tribe units. But even the larger empires were composed of smaller units, only to some extent respecting the higher ruler.
Greek cities: Some of them were independent poleis, though few of them of greater political power. They formed federations, and had to develop friendly relations with their more mighty neighbours – including those with powerful fleet. They had also some apoikias, small cities in their chora (first rather zona di influenza, only later more defined territorio cittadino with marked frontiers), and also emporia, where the Greek and indigene population mixed. Other emporia situated more inland were politically dependent on contracts with their Thracian neighbours, to which apparently they had to pay taxes, but also kept their autonomy.
Of the great powers, the Persian empire collected taxes from local tribes, employed local soldiers in its armies and founded strategic forts to ensure the logistics, but otherwise did not mix up much into the local affairs, especially in areas more distant from the coastal zones. Athenian First and Second confederacy included most of the Aegean Greek cities, and also some in the Black Sea, but both of them were mainly based on maritime connections. They made contracts with the Odrysians and apparently intrigued up to the assassination of the most powerful of Odrysian kings, Kotys I., but had neither strong army nor interest to penetrate deeper into inland Thrace. Filip II conquered Thrace in mid 4th century and founded some fortified cities there, but he, as well as Alexander and Lysimachus, did not change the basic tribal ruling system of inner Thrace, which persisted of small tribal kingdoms until the Roman conquest.
Dmitri M. Bondarenko (Center for Civilizational and Regional Studies, Moscow, Russia)
The Benin Kingdom: A Homoarchic Alternative to the Homoarchic State
Theories of the state almost always consider it as specialized institution for governing society; specialized because it is “filled” with professionals forming bureaucracy. Weber elaborated the most authoritative concept of bureaucracy. His ideas form the background of influential modern theories of the state. Though not all of Weber’s ten features of bureaucracy could apply to preindustrial states, an attempt to apply them to Benin in the 13th – 19th centuries reveals that none, including the most significant – the governors’ independence from kin organization – was characteristic of her leaders. By the 13th century Benin, had historically passed and culturally superceded the complex chiefdom level. In her size, social complexity, economic parameters, governmental apparatus hierarchicity, and the spiritual sphere Benin was the equivalent of early states. Nevertheless, the society was still based on the homoarchic “matrix” of the heterogeneous extended-family community characterized by a tangle of kin and neighbor ties, dominated by kinship. This form of socio-political organization can be called the “megacommunity,” and its structure can be depicted as four concentric circles forming an upset cone: the extended family, heterogeneous extended-family community, chiefdom, and megacommunity (kingdom). Megacommunal institutions dominated communities and chiefdoms, but in Benin, without a pronounced priority of territorial ties over kinship ties, even those who governed at the supreme level could not become professional officials. The homoarchic megacommunity turns out to be an alternative to the early state. Thus, alternativity exists not only between heterarchic and homoarchic societies, but also within each of the respective types. In particular, the homoarchic by definition (Claessen and Skalník 1978) early state “competes,” not only with heterarchic socio-political systems, but also with some forms of socio-political organization, not less complex and homoarchic than the early state itself.
Leonid E. Grinin ("Uchitel" Publishing House, Volgograd, Russia)
Alternativity of State Formation Process: The Early State vs. State Analogues
It is recognized widely enough that for a pre-state society to be transformed into a state, it must have a certain size of territory and population, a necessary degree of sociocultural complexity and an ability to produce adequate surpluses. However, we know of numerous polities, comparable to early states in size, complexity and a number of other parameters, which are at the same time significantly superior to typical pre-state formations such as simple chiefdoms, tribes, and independent simple communities. For these reasons, it would be wrong to regard such complex non-state societies as being at the pre-state level of development. In a certain sense, they can be regarded as being at the same level of sociocultural development as early-state societies. And, since both types of societies faced similar problems and solved similar tasks, I denote complex stateless societies as early state analogues. Some of these analogues turn out to be incapable of transformation into states at all. Other systems of this kind do become states, but only when they reach quite a high level of development and complexity, a level that is fairly comparable with those of many state societies. Thus, a society, after reaching a certain size and a certain level of sociocultural complexity (at which the transition to the state is already possible), may continue to develop, but not build the political forms of an early state for quite some time. In particular, a culture may have a very high level of social stratification, but lack a state system. So major dissimilarities between early states and their analogues are not at the level of size and complexity, but in the peculiarities of political organization and in the methods of government. Bringing dissimilar societies under the single common title early state analogues contrasts other polities to the state alternative of the development of complex post-primitive societies.
Dieter Reicher (Karl-Franz University, Graz, Austria)
Pyramid and Trapeze Constellations:
State-building Processes and Patterns of Social Control
In this paper, I will argue that to understand organizations of social control (like the court system or the police) means to study the development in the change of the power balance between social classes. Therefore, I will compare the development of those organizations in different countries and in a long-term historical perspective. This analysis in the changes and the configuration of power balances between social classes (or, more generally, specific social groups) has much to do with what is called “heterarchy” and “homoarchy”. Take for example England of the late seventeenth century. In this period, the nobility and the gentry disempowered the absolute reign of the king and installed a system of lordship based of the rule of parliament. Here, there was an oligarch system and amongst the elites the ideal of equality (the ideal of the gentleman) emerged. There was no powerful king above these leading classes. However, the distance to the lower classes was large, as expressed in a bloody penal code, for example. Ideal-typically, there was a two-layer power configuration: between leading classes and the “rest,” although in reality, it was more complicated. Therefore, I will refer to such a configuration between the leading classes and the “rest” as a “trapeze constellation”. In the same period, some continental powers developed – ideal-typically – a power system closer to “homoarchy” or what I refer to as a “pyramid constellation”. There, princes installed an absolute reign and subdued the nobility by dissolving or degrading the parliaments. The power configuration was strictly hierarchical, with three-layers of rankings: prince, nobility, “rest”. This pyramid constellation allowed a variety of coalitions. The most important was typically a coalition of the top of the pyramid (the prince, and his bureaucracy) and the bottom (the “rest”) against the rich and local dominant middle layer (the nobility). I will show that both pyramid and trapeze constellations are basic concepts of organizing social control in these countries. These basic concepts comprise a kind of logics of development. If one compares modern English police organization or the court system with those of some continental states, one will find these old basic concepts prevailing (jury-system versus inquisition system, exclusion versus inclusion of population in policing) although the old institutions were transformed into modern organizations. In a certain way, these constellations are basic patterns for the creation of power. Thus, there are different ways, or cultures, of creating power in some countries.
Nicola Peter Todorov (Lycée Gustave Flaubert, Rouen, France)
Hierarchy and Power in Napoleonic Westphalia
We have studied the organizational principles of the Napoleonic satellite kingdom of Westphalia in order to observe the transfer of French political and administrative experiences to a cultural different context. In this new kingdom, a strictly hierarchical body replaced the ancient collegial administrations. Hierarchy was a means of dividing the subjects and of obtaining their obedience. Even those with the same rank were subdivided by the creation of administrative units of different importance, attributed according to merit. Whereas in France demographic and economic differences between departments were used to establish a hierarchy between prefects, unequal departments and above all cantons were created in Westphalia since the beginning. But creation of more ranks was not a general tendency. It concerned the administrations occupied by social groups potentially opposed to the French reform policy. Compared to the ancient system the French system transferred more attributions to the central level but maintained the attributions of the lowest level. On the other hand, the ancient elites tried to obtain, sometimes successfully, the restoration of some levels or the creation of additional, above all, intermediate ones. On can observe hierarchical evolutions with very different social and political significations within the same state construction in a very short time. Social interest and structure appear as decisive factors in how hierarchy is established. The numerical relations between the members of the different ranks should also be considered because they modify the human relations within the administrative body. By measuring such parameters as connectivity and dimensions of these relations, we will try to apply the physical percolation theory – recently used to describe and to predict social and political phenomenon – to explain efficiency and change in hierarchical organization.
Art, Struggle, Survival and Change
Convenor: Michael Walsh (Eastern Mediterranean University, Famagusta [Gazimagusa], Cyprus)
This panel is designed to explore the interface between the fine / applied arts and the experience of historical struggle – be it political, social, gender, race, civil, national / international. The individual, as well as the collective experience, is sought, as an artistic response to differing socio-political (internal and external) stimuli. The panel encourages papers that deal with: sculpture, painting, photography, architecture, graphic and poster art, exhibition and gallery priorities, mass media, criticism and all other relevant forms of representation relevant to the fine arts of any historical / cultural period.
The study is aimed at highlighting the duality which can exist between:
Art as a consequence of hierarchical power struggle, war and civil disturbance.
Art as a mode of creating / implementing hierarchical power struggle, war and civil disturbance.
Ian Morley (Ming Chuan University, Gwei-Shan, Taiwan ROC)
Expressing the Might of a Civilisation: Civic Design in Britain and
the British Colonies during the Victorian and Edwardian Period
By the onset of the Victorian period Britain had led the Industrial Revolution. Not only had the cultural change under industrialisation led to the congregating of the expanding population within existing settlements but it had also led to townscape changes and new political and economic means by which local authorities sought to express their wealth and status. Not content with just domestic influence central governments sought to further develop the economic, political and cultural wealth of the nation through adopting a policy of overseas expansion related to colonialisation. In such a context this paper will examine the influence of empire upon civic design practice as a tangible expression of the British nation’s power and standing. Consideration will be given to, for instance, public edifices and environmental developments in London, the ‘centre of the empire’, as well as provincial British cities like Birmingham, Dublin, Glasgow, Liverpool and Manchester - places competing to be known as the ‘second city of the empire’, during a time when architectural methods evolved, new design styles emerged, huge public events like the Great Exhibition and jubilees occurred, and an increasingly rational control of urban environments took place. Attention will also be given to overseas places such as New Delhi and Kuala Lumpur with their Baroque and Moorish forms, which highlight the Victorian’s energy for developing artistic and architectural techniques, taste and sensibilities as a consequence of being inspired by imperial rule and the feel of economic and political power at home and abroad. The paper will thus examine artistic innovations and the cultivation of design styles which sometimes softened the dichotomy between ethnic and imperial art, often helping the British to further appreciate their strength and awareness that they understood the world, felt comfortable with it, and, significantly, could control it imperiously.
Irina Galkova (Institute of World’s Culture, Russia)
Iconography of Romanesque Portals: Theme of “Double” Advent
1. The interaction between man and carved décor in churches is more complicated than simple visual perception. Images visualize the sacral action and thus participate in it alongside with men. One of the most expressive examples of such interaction is the iconography of the portal’s décor connected to the process of man’s entrance into the church.
2. If the church is a symbolic representation of Heavenly Jerusalem, then the church’s doorway is a transitional zone between two worlds: earthly (sensual) world and heavenly (spiritual) one. The process of entering can be compared to the otherworld journey.
3. Both otherworld journey and iconography of portals are connected to the theme of moral conflict: struggle between Good and Evil for the human soul (and the inner struggle between virtues and vices). The décor of entering zone marks the highest point of this struggle linked to the triumphal theme.
4. The Romanesque portal is often compared to the roman triumphal arch. The principal subject is traditionally determined as Christ’s Advent (Epiphany), corresponding to the Emperor’s Advent depicted on the arch. But in comparing the functioning of the roman arch and the church portal, a new aspect arises: the triumphal entrance of the emperor (his procession through the arch) corresponds to the entrance into the church of every Christian. Two themes are merged in this sculptural program: Advent of Christ and Advent of man. The Epiphany is out of time, it means the eternal and invisible presence of Christ between his two corporal advents; Advent of a man lasts only during the moment that he really passes through the doorway.
5. The duality of iconographic programs corresponds to the duality of the idea about the end of the world (general eschatology and individual one: the Last Judgment at the end of Christian history and the immediate judgment over each person after his death). General eschatology corresponds to revelations of the prophets (first of all – the Apocalypse of John) and to the iconographic theme of Christ’s Advent and final victory over Evil. Individual one – to the personal visions of otherworld journey and to the theme of Man’s Advent (victory over the vices and entering the Paradise). Correlation of these two kinds of eschatology is one of the constantly discussed questions concerning the medieval mentality. Studying of the iconographic programs of church portals is one of the new possible approaches to this problem.
Veronica Usachyova (Centre for Civilizational and Regional Studies, Moscow, Russia)
- Центр цивилизационных и региональных исследований РАН, Институт Африки РАН и Российский государственный гуманитарный университет выражают искреннюю признательность издательству "Учитель" за участие в финансировании конференции.
- Цель сборника – значительное повышение языковой компетенции, предполагающее совершенствование ранее сформированных навыков и их интеграцию на более высоком лексико-грамматическом уровне.
- А64 Англо-русский и русско-английский словарь компьютерной лексики / Авт.–сост.: И. Н. Мизинина, А. И. Мизинина, И. В. Жильцов. — М.: ОЛМА-Пресс Образование, 2004.
В. Д. Аракина издание четвертое, переработанное и дополненное Допущено Министерством образования Российской Федерации в качестве учебникУчебникПрактический курс английского языка. 4 курс: П69 Учеб. для педвузов по спец. «Иностр. яз.» / Под ред. В.Д. Аракина. - 4-е изд., перераб. и доп. - М.: Гуманит, изд.
- This does not guarantee that these papers have used PRIMER of course, but a very large percentage of them will have done so and, equally, a large number of PRIMER-using papers will have cited one of the many other source papers for